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Bards who Sing … Bards who Praise

Re-posted from the BRYTHON Blog

Beirdd copy copy

 

It is the bards of the world who judge men of valour’ – Gododdin

So says Aneirin in the oldest surviving text in the Welsh language. Aneirin was one of the bards mentioned in the 9th century Historia Brittonum (1) as having been active in the 6th century:

Talhaern Tat Aguen was then renowned in poetry, and Aneirin and Taliesin and Bluchbard and Cian who was called Gwenith Guaut, were all renowned at this time.

Of these, only Aneirin and Taliesin have surviving poems attributed to them and, in the case of Taliesin, poems continued to be written in his name by bards using him as the mouthpiece of the awen up until the end of the thirteenth century. The language of the Historia is Latin, but the epithets for Talhaearn and Cian are in early Welsh. Talhaearn is described as ‘the father of the Awen’, which could mean that he is the source or the earliest of the poets identified as inspired by the Awen, or perhaps that he was a particularly skilful awenydd and foremost of those practising that art. The epithet applied to Cian is usually translated ‘Wheat of Song’. The word for ‘song’ here (guaut, modern Welsh gwawd) is particularly applied to a song of praise or a prophetic song. Certainly the later bards who adopted the Taliesin persona saw prophetic vision as one of the attributes of the figure who became the chief vehicle for the expression of this role of the bards, variously described by them as derwydd (druid), sywydd (enchanter), dewin (wizard) and daroganfardd (soothsayer).

‘Song’ or ‘sing’ are key word in early Welsh poetry, describing the role of the bards. At the beginning of the manuscript of The Gododdin are the words ‘ ..Aneirin ae kant’ (Aneirin sang this). It was a formula used by many of his successors in identifying themselves as authors. A bard not only wrote poetry but he sang it. We might wonder how to take ‘sing’ in this context. It could relate to delivery, in the way that a singer today sings a song, but it is certainly also to be taken in a wider sense of the nature of bardic composition as significant performance. The Celtic scholar J.E. Caerwyn Williams has examined a number of examples of the stem *kan– in early Welsh verse. (2) Among other observations he points out that it is contained in the word cynghanedd, the term for the complex sound combinations which are part of the strict-metre practices of the bards. Also that it is contained in the word dachanu (to declaim, often with a harp) which has a variant form dychanu (to satirise). One theory of how these terms are related is that the satirical implications developed in response to the over-fulsome praise by the bards of their patrons, as witnessed as early as the 6th century when the monk Gildas criticised the Brythonic kings in general, and Maglocunus (Maelgwn Gwynedd) in particular, for the praise received from what he regarded as their lickspittle bards (3).

But the stem *kan is also contained in other emphases of the practice of singing, e,g. darogan (prophecy) and its associated term gwawd (prophetic song, praise) with its cognate forms in Old Irish fáth and Latin & Gaulish uatēs. Caerwyn Williams is drawn to the conclusion that there is an implication of enchantment in the singing of the bards and that this always had both positive and negative implications: “It is obvious that they sang charms, blessings, curses, predictions and prophecies. They were wizards and soothsayers as well as poets.” He reminds us of the description of the awenyddion as described by Giraldus Cambrensis (4) and suggests that the word awenydd contains all of these magical attributes, such as are frequently claimed in the poems of Taliesin. He also asserts that: “..to say that the bards were originally wizards and enchanters is as good as saying that they belonged originally to a priesthood”, by which he understands the druids, citing links between the uatēs and the druidae according to ancient writers (5).

In spite of the more recent sceptical view from Ronald Hutton who asserts that druids and bards should not be confused (6), the testimony of the early bards themselves is rather that they were the inheritors of such a role, re-shaped to meet the needs of changed times and embedded in the grades of the Bardic Order and the arcane matter recorded in the prosodies of the chief poets (7). This is certainly implied by the description of Giraldus of the awenyddion as going into a frenzied state to utter prophecies and of the many references to vaticinatory and related practices in the poems of Taliesin. We might also note a line from the 13th century bard Iorwerth Fychan ‘Gorffwylaf molaf mal awenydd’ (I become frenzied and praise like an awenydd) (8). As J E Caerwyn Williams concludes : “The Celtic bards and their early descendants in Ireland and Wales were inspired (and therefore possessed) by the gods.”


The graphic is from an inscription by David Jones

 

All quotes from J E Caerwyn Williams are my translation from the work listed in reference 2 below.

1. Historia Brittonum Ch 62

2. ‘Bardus Gallice Cantor Appellatur’ in Beirdd a Thywysogion (GPC, 1996)

3. De Exidio Britanniae Ch 34. These, it might be noted, are the same bards that Taliesin claims to have trounced when he defends Elffin. A typical act of mythic synthesis of Gildas’ criticism of them with his own affirmation of the bardic virtues.

4. Giraldus Cambrensis Descriptio Kambriae Ch 16

5. ‘antiquos poetas vates appellabant‘ – Varro as cited by J E Caerwyn Williams

6. Blood and Mistletoe (Yale, 2009) passim

7. The earliest recorded threefold divisions being Pencerdd (chief singer), Bardd Teulu (household bard), Cerddor (minstrel). Later the divisions were Prydydd (poet), Teuluwr (household man), Clerwr (clerk). Their duties and status are recorded in the various versions of the prosodies brought together as Gramadegau’r Penceirddiaid ed. G.J. Williams & E.J. Jones (1934)

8. Gwaith Beirdd y Tywysogion VII (GPC, 1996)

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Awenflight

BABEL

How many miles to Babylon?

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Merfyn Peake
Listen to the spirit language
in silence

Is there a voice?
No human voice.

Words?
They are unbidden, uncalled for:

All the words in the world
but that we seek
Unwordly, unworldly, unsounded.

To get there
and back again
no need to count the miles
but kindle the flame
which flickers, falters
for a candle space
a candle time.

Listen! - they are timeless,
the smooth words flowing,

Hardening to roughness:
corrugations
in the runnels
of history.
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Archaeology, Awenflight

Reverie in a Museum Gallery

king

Lewis Chessmen – King

 

 

Ranging back —- to origins, finding them
Unfamiliar yet still responsive
Calling across Time from an eternal Present
A chess piece static on a board with shifting squares
Watching movements through the sea passages
Celtic, Norse – distinct identities fusing as the game plays out,
The squares, the circles, the undulant sea roads, the winding pathways of the mountains
All leading on as moves are made
The King waiting expectantly
The Queen taking a long view across the patchwork of the times, the ages, the changes that come through movements that re-arrange even the board, the landscape of the game.

The pieces unrecognisable now but still watching
Dreaming the world we know.

Lewis Chessmen

Lewis Chessmen
Queen

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Awenflight

Heronflight

FLIGHT

Photo by Janet Baxter

The bird cried – and her cry called to me over the waters, the cold mere, the flowing brooks, the banks of willows green against the silver-grey of the lake, the iron-grey of the sky.

Would I follow? My bird-self would, went willingly, winging over the waters with feathered arms splayed out, beating slowly. A fine mist of rain drifted on the air, resolved to other-air, brought me silently there into the other-element of water and air: a mist world that made everything within it glow transparently, suffused with a light that flows like water, like mist, like clouded thistledown – crystallised earthlight, waterlight under a crystal sky.

Here in this self I can be still, stare in a quiet quest for wisdom distilled out of the glassy depths of water, mirror-like until you learn to look through the glinting face of it, behind the reflected eyes of a bird’s stare, the beak’s wand of interrogation pointing out resolving images below. So they come, slowly but surely in the depths of the mirror reflecting what is within from what is without, deep into the crystal caverns where the stillness is, where colours drain to their essence : the white light of absence calling to the other pole of being : the many colours of the world.

Far away from me now, but there, unrealised in this crystal whiteness, seen through it : the world of sense, voluptuous in its variety from the starkness of here – the tang of salt dissolving to the sweetness of sugar only to resolve back again to this. I am salt-blind as I stare, but seeing nonetheless.

Quick as a flash! I’m turning back, wings beating out through the mist, bright sun on water as I glide to the willows, walk on dry land, stepping out of feathers, wings ; back to arms and legs, slowly finding my feet; back to familiarity.

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Brythonic Lore

Dreams and Visions

Gwyddbwyll

Arthur and Owain play at Gwyddbwyll

In Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of The Kings of Britain , Brutus has a vision of Britain as the land he is destined to inhabit. After leaving Troy he visits a temple of Diana to ask for guidance:

Powerful Goddess, terror of the chase
And of the woodlands wild, you who journey
Wide over land and sky and down into the depths
Of the nether regions below the earth.
Look upon us here and declare our fate,
Tell us where we are destined to dwell,
Where we shall build  temples for your praise
And maidens will chant for you to the end of days.

He repeated these words nine times, then he walked four times around the altar, pouring wine into the fire, after which he laid himself down upon a hind’s skin, spread before the altar, and he slept. At some time during the night, when his sleep was deepest, the goddess appeared to present herself before him, and foretold his future as follows:

Brutus, there lies beyond the lands of Gaul
An island washed by the western seas,
Once giants lived there, but now the ways
Through the land are open to you and free.
Set sail for that place and raise a second Troy
Fate decrees that you and your descendants
Will found a line of kings that will prosper there,
Whose fame will endure and extend across the earth.

As well as featuring the use of dream to consult the goddess, the episode specifies that the sleep that brings about the dream is taken on an animal skin. There are other examples of sleeping on such skins to gain visions or give prophecies in the Irish tradition. It is also a feature of the Welsh tale The Dream of Rhonabwy from the manuscripts in The Red Book of Hergest and usually included with other medieval Welsh tales in the collection known as The Mabinogion. The tale is set very specifically in Powys in the 12th century in the time of the historical King of Powys Madog ap Maredydd. Rhonabwy sleeps on a heifer skin on a raised platform to avoid the flea-ridden sleeping place assigned to him and his companions. His sleep takes him back to the world of Arthur and there are a number of apparent borrowings from the tale Culhwch and Olwen. Unlike those who seek visionary experiences by sleeping on an animal skin, Rhonabwy’s dream visions seem to be an unintentional consequence of doing so. Dreams are often used in medieval literature as a device for moving the narrative to another place or time. But things generally then proceed as if a realistic story were being narrated. Rhonabwy’s dream, however, is unusual in the surreal quality of actual dream experience. Time seems to be running in reverse and although various events seem about to happen, nothing actually does, except via the game of gwyddbwyll – a board game like chess – that Arthur plays with Owain. Rhonabwy finds it difficult to understand the significance of what is going on, so this has to be explained to him by Iddawg who acts as his guide. Arthur asks Iddawg who he has with him and when he is told he is incredulous that such insignificant beings now defend the Island of Britain. This seems to reflect the view of heroes like Arthur as being of greater stature and bearing than ordinary mortals. Such things are specifically said of the heroes in The Iliad and other texts of the ancient world, many of whom are of mixed human and divine descent.

But The Dream of Rhonabwy does not otherwise give us an heroic view of Arthur, seeming for the most part to undermine such a view. Not only does it begin with a grim account of the miserable sleeping arrangements in the house where the dream occurs (the floor is wet with cow piss and strewn not with dry rushes or bracken, but with incongruous holly twigs), but the world he escapes to in the dream is puzzling and arbitrary in spite of the grandeur of its setting. No significance can be attributed or message brought back from this world. Arthur seems to be a petulant and ineffective figure, though Rhonabwy is warned that to suggest this out loud would lead to his death. When Rhonabwy awakes he is told that he has slept for three days and nights. It is as if he has no control over the visions gained from sleeping on the animal skin. He is not a professional seer or awenydd seeking prophecy or a devotee intentionally seeking guidance from a deity. He wanders into this world unawares and appears to be lost in it.

The tale seems to be a parody of the usual Arthurian romance genre. All the literal conventions of the genre are inverted. Nor does it have the folkloric qualities of tales such as Culhwch and Olwen based on traditional oral elements. An afterword added to the manuscript says that no-one can know the dream “ .. neither bard nor story-teller, without a book”. So it could be simply the account of a dream, without allegory or any other message or elements of traditional lore. But if so it is more or less unique in medieval literature. Certainly the characters in the dream are drawn from traditional stories , and the agency of sleeping on the animal skin is well established. But the dream itself tells no particular story. The time span of three days and nights, set against his experience of one night’s sleep, might suggest that Rhonabwy has been in the Otherworld. But he is unable to interpret the significance of what he sees there. For him it was a just a dream of a world that had long since passed into legend. Just as certain interpretative tools are required to ‘read’ a dream, so too the experiences gained from visits to otherworlds may require to be read properly, because, as the afterword to the tale continues, “of the many colours that were on the horses, and their remarkable variety, both on the arms and on their trappings, on the precious mantles and the magical stones”.  Splendours of this sort are sometimes seen as illusions of mundane objects in the ordinary world as in those stories where someone is put into a comfortable bed with silken sheets in the faërie realm and wakes on a bed of damp moss on a cold moor. Equally they may be regarded as parallel correlates in the two worlds. How such experiences are ‘read’ depends on who is reading them.

Finally, it is worth noting that this tale has been seen as a closure of the traditional heroic view of Arthur. Here he brings the board game with Owain to a close by petulantly crushing the pieces. Though Rhonabwy fails to find any significance in what he witnesses, the author of the “book” , without which we are told no sense can be made of the dream, may be announcing the end of the tradition from which the subject matter of the tale has been drawn. Certainly it provides no clear interpretive key to the events in the tale otherwise. As, for better or for worse, the heroic ages pass into history and legend, those who venture on the spirit paths must seek a different focus for their visions, other ways of engaging with the numinous world that may be encountered by sleeping on an animal skin or other ways of opening the portals of vision.

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Archaeology, Awenflight

Kilmartin

Temple Wood

Temple Wood Stone Circle, Kilmartin

Wheatears sat on the stones, then bobbed away across the open ground as I approached, their distinctive black and white tail pattern flashing their identity behind them. It was then that I saw it, the hare, going to ground behind the cairn pile. I walked around the pile slowly, attentive and ready to be surprised by its leaping. Where was it? The place where it went to ground came into view: the capstone over the cist lifted at 45˚ and held there by iron supports revealed a small oblong chamber in which a  body had once been buried, arms and legs folded into the foetal position to fit this stone box – back to the crouch before birth. But there was no hare. And yet there was, leaping through a gap somewhere here.

stone

Free-standing stone ….

 

cup marks

… with cup marks

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I looked across at the standing stones in the near distance, at the gap in the alignment between them – the two that stood forward of the small circle beyond them – and saw, though it should have been too far to see, the cup marks carved into them. I didn’t move. The wheatears came back to settle on the stones. I leapt. The hare leapt. We leapt through the gap between the stones, across the wide, flat valley of stones beneath the mountains and above the sea loch. There was a cry of a bird. Not a wheatear. Like a redshank, an oystercatcher, a curlew – or some combination of these mournful cries. A keening as we leapt through the gap across the open ground and into the wood. It was darker here, the green canopy shading out the sunlight; the bracken high, the shadowed path beneath it winding through for a hare path as we ran. The valley, the stones tilting away from us as we ran on ….. and then stopped.

My senses were sharp. I sniffed at a far scent. I heard a far stalk of tall grass bent to the ground. I felt each vibration in the valley. As near as it was to my senses, it was somewhere else, in the world where I was not a hare. Here events happened differently. A leaf touched another as wind passed through the canopy. I felt it. I heard it happen so slowly that it seemed to last forever. Each rustle and turn of wind-touched foliage stretched out in slow-time. But against this the awareness, sharp and quick, of each event in the valley rushed past, clear and precise in rapid motion. Two streams of time ran on at the same even pace when perceived together. But each ran differently, fast and slow, though twisted around each other so hearing them as distinct events was to be aware of  counterpoint at the core of the world-flow.

The hare sensed one, I sensed the other; together we brought them together. So it seems now, recalling the experience. But then, when it was happening, I couldn’t say. It was hare think. It was human think. Each was distinct, and I could sense both of them, but separate just as humans and hares are separate and cannot know each others’ thought.

Back in the valley, I stand staring at an empty cist, watched by the wheatears. There is no hare. But there, in another time, right here, a hare leapt. I was there.

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Brythonic Lore

Depicting the Gods

Artio

The bronze statue above is of the Gaulish bear goddess Artio. Like statues of Epona which show the goddess as human with an associated horse or horses, this shows both the human form of the goddess and a bear. However, in this case we know that the human form was added later and that the original sculpture just showed the bear and the stylised tree. It has been suggested that the addition was to accommodate Roman taste for the depiction of their gods in human form, the implication being that the Gauls did not feel such a necessity.(*) Tacitus, speaking of the northern European tribes in his Germania, asserts that “they do not think it in keeping with divine majesty to confine gods within walls or to portray them in the likeness of any human countenance. Their holy places are woods and groves, and they apply the names of deities to that hidden presence which is seen only by the eye of reverence.” (**) When Tacitus wrote this the tribes of Gaul were becoming fully Romanised under occupation and the same process was under way in Britain, but the neighbouring tribes of Germany remained independent.

The catalogue text for the recent exhibition ‘Celts : Art & Identity’ organised jointly by The British Museum in London and the National Museum of Scotland in Edinburgh, states in relation to a stone carving of Brigantia that she is portrayed as a composite figure seemingly incorporating other goddesses. The carving was commissioned by a Roman soldier and its dedication to Brigantia, it is suggested, has more to do with the Roman habit of placating local gods than it does to portrayal of deities by the native British: “The very idea of giving a god human form is a classical one. Iron Age beliefs did not usually conceive of gods as humans” (*). Other examples are given to make this point, including the statue of Artio. The main issue here, though, is one of representation. Celtic art was not naturalistic in the way that Greek and Roman art was, though it had been absorbing naturalistic elements from those cultures even before conquest. It tended to deal in abstract figures, often of animals, and geometric patterns rather than life-like portrayals of its subjects. So even if the gods were thought of as having human form, their art may not have shown this. A bear goddess, or a horse goddess, may have been depicted (if at all) as a stylised bear or stylised horse

white horse

But if they were given names or titles (locally or more generally across a wider region) this also suggests that they had an identity beyond that of a numinously perceived presence. We don’t have written literature from the pre-Roman period so we can never know in the sense of having evidence from the historical record. And of course things were unlikely to have remained the same through the whole of the early Iron Age, and for all of the various tribes, even if they were likely to have been culturally conservative in their beliefs. Styles of representation varied and became more complex over time, though they also continued to be distinct even after being influenced by Roman art. Many of the surviving representations of Celtic deities were made by people who had become thoroughly Romanised, though they often also retain distinct Celtic features. This is our inheritance.

So what can we say today? Many of the distinct forms of deity that have come down to us in written form are from the Middle Ages. We can still, surely, share the sense of Tacitus’ reference to “hidden presence” as a common form of direct religious experience, and so see them with “the eye of reverence”. What such presences may communicate to us in the way of distinct identities is likely to be mediated by cultural artefacts. The very fact of using language is one such, so if a god whispers a name in our ear, how will we know what we are hearing without also having a way of saying it to others? A name, like a story, is something in human language. Language infiltrated by the gods as they infiltrate our landscape and our mindscape. Those stories, which the gods inhabit, need have no direct line of connection with those statues or inscriptions from the Ancient World with which we associate them. The gods don’t travel in straight lines. They appear here; they appear there. We find them, looking back a little way, a longer way. And we experience their presence back then and also now, here with us.


    • (*) Catalogue of the Exhibition Celts : Art and Identity, British Museum Press (2015)
    • (**) Tacitus Germania (Ch 9)
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Brythonic Lore

A Footnote on Inundation Legends

drowned

 

John Rhŷs, speculating on the name Seithennin, wondered if it might have originated in the name of the Sentantii, a tribe which the ancient geographer Ptolemy (c.100-170 c.e.) indicated had occupied an area between the Ribble and the Dee. This was an historical attribution as, in Ptolemy’s time, the area was occupied by the Brigantes in the north and the Cornovii in the south. Rhŷs considers the possibility that:

*There was an inundation of the land of the Sentantii which was remembered in legendary history associated with Gwyddno Garanhir, a ruler of northern Brythonic lands.
*These legends were remembered in later folklore when the lands occupied by the inheritors of these legends were restricted to Wales (I leave out of account here his further speculations concerning a move to Ireland).
* The legend became associated with two areas of Wales where inundations had also taken place: the Conwy estuary in North Wales and Cardigan Bay in West Wales. The legends, respectively, of Tyno Helig and Cantre’r Gwaelod either grew out of the transplanted story or were integrated with it. Seithennin’s name then transferred from the lost tribal name of the Sentantii to a character in the Cantre’r Gwaelod legend.

If the tale had been transferred from the estuary of the Ribble (Belisima) to that of the Dyfi in Cardigan Bay, as well as elsewhere, this indicates a generic inundation myth for the west coast of Britain where sea levels rose and caused inundations in different places over an extended period of time. Rhŷs’s speculations are confined to a few pages and a footnote to Celtic Folklore. As far as I know he never developed them further. Later accounts of inundations do not help either. F J North’s investigations in Sunken Cities are restricted to Wales, though he does conclude that the Cantre’r Gwaelod story concerning Seithennin was earlier than the Tyno Helig story located in the Conwy estuary. Nigel Pennick’s Lost Lands and Sunken Cities , although dealing with inundations in Lancashire, only discusses events in the medieval period.

One of the things that happens when historical and legendary events become absorbed into folklore is that they become universalised, and so take on the potential to become mythological. Certainly the core story of Cantre’r Gwaelod, beneath the succeeding layers of legendary history, seems to contain the proto- mythological theme of a well gushing water from the Otherworld. Whether this is contained in lore as a well, a cauldron or a river rushing from elsewhere to the sea from an otherworld source, this is a good indication of how myth, legend and history become woven together in the tapestry of story. Such stories are many, and all with their own particular characteristics and their own significances in myth and legend.

Do they all spring from the same source? The Indo-European proto-myth of the well from which both life-giving waters and potential disaster both simultaneously flow certainly provides a cosmological background to these stories. And we can readily think of other examples such as the Well of Wisdom in the Irish tradition and the Well of Wyrd in Norse mythology. But we also need to be careful in applying ideas of a common source as encompassing the sole meaning of the legends. Certainly they also contain records of historical shifts between land and sea and the legendary shaping of such memories into folklore, a process which itself re-integrates such tales with the proto-myth. But reading distinctive cultural artefacts as expressions of universal themes, as useful as it is for identifying the way such themes emerge in different forms, is in danger if losing sight of the particular use of the theme in a distinctive cultural setting. One people’s gods may have their ‘equivalents’ in another people’s gods, but they are individual and distinct within each culture.

I have no doubt that, whatever effect the increase or decrease in sea levels over millennia has had on the shape of the coastline, and however that has been described in legendary history and become absorbed into local folklore, the telling of these tales is always informed at a deep level by the unique cultural appropriation of the proto-myth. But I am also convinced that simply referring back to a proto-myth as an abstract source will devalue the expression of it in the culture that has made it distinctive. Rachel Bromwich, for instance, asserts that the stories we have been discussing are not influenced by the Biblical flood story, but are independent Celtic expressions of this theme. Whatever deep source we may identify in the ethology of Indo-European myth, or even in the common deep structure of the human mythological imagination , unless it is here, now, and with us in the way that we tell it, then it lacks coherent form. Streams, from whatever deep source waters they come, flow through particular lands and have their own characteristics when they do so.

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Bardic Lore, Brythonic Lore

Inundations

Inundations, not temporary floods but the permanent flowing of waters across the land; there are many stories of such flowings from springs or wells to make lakes, or rushing to meet the sea to re-shape the coastline. There are recurrent stories behind these legends, superficially of pride, arrogance, presumption, though this might mask a quest for knowledge and therefore power. Often the consequences are delayed and the flood comes after many generations (time for the otherworld deities is not our time). The legend of the drowning of Tyno Helig near the estuary of the River Conwy in North wales is typical of the theme where a wicked ruler is told that his descendants will be punished for his deeds and so he thinks he has nothing to worry about, but seven generations later his lands are flooded during a feast and only the harper escapes drowning. This latter detail of the harper is also a common element in the stories. John Rhŷs thought that the theme of delayed punishment for evil deeds was a later development in these stories which originally involved something happening at a sacred well which causes it to overflow. Consider for instance, the story of Boann who looks into Nechtan’s Well of Wisdom which should only be visited by Nechtan and his cup-bearers. The well overflows and chases her all the way to the sea, thereby forming the River Boyne. In the story of the drowning of Cantre’r Gwaelod, or the lands of Gwyddno Garanhir, Mererid is herself a cup-bearer and a well-maiden, though the oblique nature of the verses which record this (probably originally contained in a prose saga which supplied more detail) means that the context is unclear.

But no matter. For there is more to say. Both the setting for Tyno Helig and that for Cantre’r Gwaelod are also settings for different surviving versions of the story of Taliesin. Think now of that harper who survives (or is re-born from) the flood. The story of Taliesin begins at Llyn Tegid, the location of another inundation legend which explains the formation of the lake near the town of Bala. This is where Gwion stirred Ceridwen’s cauldron. The River Dee (Dyfrdwy) which runs through the lake, has its own mythos naming its waters as sacred (~>). Gwion looked into, and tasted, the waters of this cauldron and there was an inundation. He gained wisdom just as Finn gained wisdom either by tasting the salmon from the Well of Wisdom or, in another story, tasting drops of water from an otherworld well.

Rosmerta And Mercurius - a relief from Gloucester.

Rosmerta And Mercurius – a representation from Gloucester showing her bucket.

 

In Gaul a god that the Romans called Mercurius – though he may not have had a name before the Romans gave him one – was partnered with Rosmerta, whose name could simply mean ‘The Great Provider’. Rosmerta had a site of devotion at a sacred spring in Gaul and is also commemorated in Bath, the site of the sacred springs of Sulis in Britain. One of her emblems is a bucket (cauldron?) and she is represented with Fortuna on one relief where the bucket could symbolise re-birth. A spring, a cauldron, a brew of otherworld wisdom, welling into our world. A cup-bearer, a well-maiden ~/~ the keeper of the cauldron, a hag. Are these two sides of the same coin, the turning of Fortuna’s wheel? When there is a flow from otherworld streams out of the well or the cauldron, who can catch the essential drops on the tongue, taste the salmon or gather the hazel nuts that have fallen into the the waters of the well?

Think of that harper, the survivor of the flood. Think of Taliesin, re-born from the waters into a weir in which salmon are caught. Think of others whose quest for knowledge transforms them into divine or inspired figures.Then consider that Mercurius, Rosmerta’s partner, may have been known in the lands that overlapped Gaul as Woden, and how a god, taking a different name for a different people, might do things differently, and yet still discover sources of wisdom, of inspiration, and how the mead of poetry from the Cup or Cauldron of Inspiration might be dispensed to the poets, the awenyddion, the drui, from whom the waters of the Cauldron flow as rivers of song.

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Bardic Lore, Brythonic Lore

Of Well Maidens and Cup-Bearers

cup… Disparate things cohere….. from explorations, lore, study, active interpretation of sources, bringing together things from different places, studies of other things held in memory and brought back into focus in new contexts, meditations, inspirations, – rarely sudden revelations – more often slowly forming visions, shapes emerging, patterns forming from the flow, structures of significance …..

So with Mererid , well-maiden and cup-bearer, in a medieval poem attached to a legend of a drowned land on the coast near where I live. She had long been an evocative presence who seemed to have a significance I had not quite fathomed. But as I thought about the legend and discovered the lore associated with it, her identity began to take shape. Floods from springs or wells when their guardians are offended are the legendary origins of many lakes. These guardians are invariably female and it is sometimes stressed, as with the case of Mererid, that she is a maiden. Two words are used to convey this in the poem. In one line she is referred to as ‘morvin’ (simply maiden), but in another line as ‘machteith’ which is also a term indicating a court office. Rachel Bromwich comments that “both interpretations should be borne in mind”. (1)

Many years ago doing quite different research I needed to look at references to protective deities of cities. Ancient cities and other settlements had magical as well as physical walls around them. Gateways through the walls could be physically sealed and locked but magical gateways needed magical seals or keys to open or shut them. The title ‘Pontifex Maximus’ (now inherited by the Pope) originally indicated one who was adept at bridging and sealing protective boundaries. The Vestal Virgins were an institution that was seen to protect Rome, the virginity of the vestals being an essential element in this. In earlier societies this function often inhered in a virgin deity. The virginity of Athene as protectress of Athens was stressed. Studies of the sources for Homer’s Iliad indicate that Troy was seen to be protected in this way and one of these relates that the prophetess Cassandra undid her girdle  as the horse was brought through the city walls in a symbolic breaching of their magical protection. (2)

It seemed to me that the same protective function could apply to well maidens. Wells were often seen as gateways to the Otherworld and if these gateways were not properly protected the steady flow of blessed water might become a deluge, particularly if the guardian of the well ceases to become a virgin either by her own volition or by her violation. But Mererid is also a ‘cup-bearer’. Reading Enright’s elucidations (3) about the role of cup-bearers in Celtic and Germanic cultures and the proposed origins of their functions and identity in the goddess Rosmerta (the ‘great provider’); the ambiguous status of Wealtheow, Hrodgar’s queen and cup-bearer, in the Anglo-Saxon poem Beowulf; the story of the virgin prophetess Veleda in Tacitus’ Germania; all began to bring the picture into focus.

Rosmerta’s emblems are the cup, ladle and bucket. Her cup an emblem of plenty, proffered at the feast; in Gaul she is associated in at least once place with a sacred spring. In her continuing identity in the persons of cup bearers her role becomes differentiated and therefore ambiguous, particularly in later contexts when the religious significance may have been lost but the magical status still remained resonant. A cup bearer might be a maiden and hold an office as such at court but equally there might be an implied sexual element involved in what she represents associated with fertility. Enright says as part of his discussion of these elements, “We may therefore reiterate an argument made constantly in this study – that prophecy, sexuality and the offering of liquor were all part of the same mental construct for Celts and, perhaps, somewhat later, for Germans.” Where her maiden status is associated with protection, the loss of it also implies loss of protection. But it might in other contexts be associated with fertility and so becoming sexually active brings plenty. Her survival into later legends, folklore and story may emphasise only one or the other of these functions exclusively and so appear to be only about a single event such as an inundation or a symbolic offering of plenty by a cup bearer, though often the portrayal of these events retains an aura of something deeper.

What of Mererid? She is a well maiden, whose function is to protect the well. She also bears the cup of plenty. So could her seduction or violation have removed the protection and so caused the flood? And could there be an underlying sense of fertility here too, the release of life-giving waters, but disguised in the story of a catastrophic inundation? Perhaps. It was with such as sense of these possibilities that I moved from undertaking a translation of the poem from The Black Book of Carmarthen, where I felt constrained to at least preserve the narrative and thematic integrity of the original (in spite of also attempting a re-interpretation of the context) to writing my own, freer version of the same poem in an act of imaginative re-casting. Here it is:

Cantre’r Gwaelod

(A free adaptation of the poem in The Black Book of Carmarthen)

 

Wake up Seithennin

Can’t you see what’s happening

The wild sea is rushing in.

 

The well’s cup-bearer,

That girl you had beside you –

You thought it nothing just to take her.

 

Now she’s gone, the well

She keeps is overflowing

And running to the sea’s swell.

 

Can you hear her call

Ringing out across the water?

Your fault has brought you to a fall.

 

Can you hear her berate

The fate that’s brought her

To this end – early or late

 

She sings her lament

Over Gwyddno’s flooded meadows

The cup of plenty now is spent.

 

She rides through the flow –

Mererid – on the bay mare’s back

Her song lulling the pull and tow

 

Of the plaintive waves:

A pearl plucked from its oyster;

Like your bed, empty of its treasure.

There is a single word in the original poem ‘cwyn’ that has been alternatively translated ‘complaint’ and ‘feast’. Did she complain about what had happened to her (as I imply in my translations) or might we suppose that the offering of her cup as a feast has other implications? A mythological reading might include both possibilities simultaneously. Is she here the victim of a violation or an active participant in releasing the flood? You would think as I have translated the poem twice with the same implication, that I was certain about this. But I’m not.

References:

1 Rachel Bromwich  ‘Cantref y Gwaelod and Ker Is’ in The Early Cultures of North-West Europe (Cambridge 1950)

2 Jackson Knight  Epic and Anthropology (London, 1967)

3. M J Enright Lady With a Mead Cup (Dublin, 1995)


–> Further questions for investigation: What is the connection between the deluge legend and the Taliesin story, given that there are two locations for the Taliesin story and each of them is also associated with a deluge legend?

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